Book Review of 'Civil War II' by T.W.Chittum

By Miles Wolpin
Published in The Social Contract
Volume 10, Number 4 (Summer 2000)
Issue theme: "Liberals and immigration reform - can they be recruited?"
http://www.thesocialcontract.com/artman2/publish/tsc1004/article_904.shtml



Only a small percentage of the American majority who oppose mass immigration accord high salience to the issue. Most of the latter tend to be adversely affected in some tangible manner. Chittum's lucidly written work is undoubtedly increasing the ranks of those who are intensely concerned because it makes a plausible case for considerable personal harm to many of us in the near future.

This of course assumes that such readers wish to preserve the American nation and its territorial integrity. For the growing minority who already have given up on America and give a higher priority to their own ethnic or racial group, the author offers some advice about survival for the decades ahead.

Despite its alarmist title, Civil War II neither advocates such an eventuality nor does the author claim such a calamity is inevitable. He actually suggests policies for the U.S. like those in Belgium and Switzerland that provide for much-enhanced state or regional ethnically-based autonomy that have preserved the viability of these multi-ethnic states.

Indeed the theoretical basis of his work is an analysis - albeit too limited - of the relationship between the degree of ethnic heterogeneity of existing states and the incidence of collective violence. While focused on the European culture area, the author assumes the applicability of his analysis to the United States, the former Soviet Union and even Third World states.

High danger to peace and unity internally occurs when the largest ethnic group declines to less than 75 percent of the population - our situation now. In Chittum's view, we have already entered the second or "terrorist" phase which will lead to ultimate Balkanization resulting in two or three new ethno-cultural nations of Hispanics, Blacks and Whites. He envisages a more sanguinary conflict than our first Civil War for two reasons: 1) its ethnic or racial basis; 2) considerable demographic dispersion that will generate ferocious ethnic cleansing.

Thus, the Swiss-Belgium option would be very difficult to implement. Nevertheless, a movement toward states rights (i.e., greater autonomy) could elicit voluntary relocation on a scale considerably higher than existing trends and levels. Indeed, the Supreme Court is inching in this direction.

The same could be said of one of the two key policies that are, in Chittum's view, exacerbating racial tensions. That is what he terms "racist affirmative action," which the Court may or may not continue to back away from.

Group preferences have, in his view, not only attenuated the rule of law by making a mockery of "equal protection," but they have catalyzed us through the first pre-Civil War II phase in which ethnic and racial group identities have legally and psychologically supervened citizenship rights and identity as Americans.

The second policy commented upon as being nationally destructive is mass immigration - particularly Hispanic - which is radically altering the ethno-cultural balance, and demographically reinforcing group preference demands. Curiously, he ignores Asians who variously have been both beneficiaries and targets of such group preferences.

The third pre-Civil War II phase will be marked by widespread outbreaks of black urban rioting, gang efforts to exclude police from their territories, and guerrilla attacks especially in the southwest where aid will be funneled from an increasingly unstable Mexico when the dominant forces are bent upon reconquest. Presumably, at this stage, slow-to-react whites will flock to self-defense organizations if federal gun control hasn't already disarmed them and wiped out their exposed militias.

In the final stage either a martial law state - dominated by a coalition of transnational corporate elites, white radicals and minority elites - will succeed in imposing its "imperial" rule, or both military and police forces will violently fragment along ethnic and racial lines as widespread violence erupts. Eventually Chittum predicts "fronts" will be stabilized between an Hispanic Southwest, a Black Belt in the South and South-East and a Euro-American white homogeneous region stretching over two-thirds of the country from the Northeast to the Northwest.

Throughout this well-written and well-edited work Chittum identifies those types of policy and behavioral occurrences (e.g., purging the military and police of those resisting racial promotions, assigning security roles to the Nation of Islam, failing to end illegal immigration) that are consistent with his prognosis. These are summarized in his final chapter. Hence, on the flip side, policy changes that would lessen the likelihood of such a denouement might also be acknowledged (e.g., a future end to mass immigration or affirmative action). The wisdom of Chittum's scenario is underscored by the growing institutionalization of virtually all fragmenting policies and trends since his work was published several years ago. The same holds for secondary reinforcing policies such as free trade and the globalist assault on national sovereignty.

What is behind this? Like Sam Francis, Chittum acknowledges that historically Euro-Americans played a leading role in forging national institutions, culture and traditions. Gradually a democratic nation of assimilated citizens replaced our post-colonial "empire" of sorts. Yet in recent decades this democratic system has been progressively eroded by a new "empire" dominated by an internationalist corporate elite, and quasi-coopted minority elites which extort payoffs from the former largely at the expense of the confused yet increasingly resentful white middle classes. One could strengthen this assessment by noting that the new establishment's "white radicals" intelligentsia is engaged in a "multiculturalist jihad" intended to denigrate or "deconstruct" the legitimacy of our West European- based traditional national culture and institutions. Alternatively, "victim" groups and their "suppressed" cultures are romanticized. Such perspectives currently infuse most of the mass media and our educational system at all levels.

Chittum is clear in stressing the new elite's reliance upon bureaucratic fiat and judicial decrees to enforce "New World Order" subordination upon white Americans. Yet he fails to explain why intensification of ethnic animus serves the transnational corporate elite's interests. Similarly - given the legislature's democratic significance - Chittum does not address the relative absence of vigorous legislative resistance. Are they also dominated by transnational corporate and self-serving minority elite collaborators? Is this what is meant by frequent references to political "corruption?"

Beyond these questions, some of his key terms such as "empire" and even "democracy" are not clearly defined. His work would have been strengthened by a systematic quantification of types and numbers of events - increasing over time - moving toward or away from a quasi-Hobbesian scenario. Do serious divisions remain within Black and Hispanic sectors? Are common nationality bonds more significant and integrative than they appear?

Despite such reservations, this admirable work is extremely well argued. It would be an excellent selection for an introductory political science course - why politics matters? But for the ordinary citizen, its style - even-toned and lacking invective - is nothing less than a call for action. For it highlights trends that - short of a populist national reform movement - may threaten our very existence as a nation within two or three decades.

NOTES ABOUT FURTHER READING

Perhaps because Chittum's work targets a general "Middle American" readership, it is devoid of both theoretical analysis and references to the works of others. Nevertheless there is burgeoning literature that in varying degree enhances the credibility of Chittum's carefully hedged thesis. Three scholarly works of particular value in this respect are Brent Nelson's America Balkanized, William Hawkins' Importing Revolution, and Joseph Fallon's Deconstructing America.

Other serious studies which contribute to our understanding of why high inter-ethnic violence and probable civil war in the decades ahead are clear and present dangers include: Jared Taylor's Paved with Good Intentions; Peter Brimelow's Alien Nation; Samuel Francis' Revolution from the Middle; Georgie Anne Geyer's Americans No More; Jack Parsons' Human Population Competition; Garrett Hardin's The Ostrich Factor; David Horowitz's Hating Whitey; Martin Gross' The End of Sanity; Alvin Schmidt's The Menace of Multiculturalism; and Bob Zelnick's Backfire.

About the author

Miles D. Wolpin, Ph.D., teaches Political science at the State University of New York at Potsdam. He is a frequent contributor to The Social Contract.

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